The Fox of France

Chapter 505: Education and Competition

For many years, France's soft power outreach to other nations has primarily involved two methods. One, more apparent, involves establishing newspapers and other forms of media; the other, more subtle yet perhaps more impactful in the long term, is education.

France's leadership in science and technology is now almost a universally accepted truth. Thus, students from around the world inevitably flock to France for their studies. These international students naturally uphold France's prestigious academic status. This doesn't mean that all students prefer France over their homelands. Indeed, many arrive with the intent of "learning from the master to eventually surpass them." However, their time in France inevitably influences their political and ideological perspectives, especially given the lofty universal values France espouses.

Consequently, the mindset of these students who arrive with the intention of "learning from the master to eventually surpass them" begins to shift. Initially, some may think that mastering French science and industrial technology suffices—especially those from noble backgrounds who despise ideas like revolution and equality. But after spending time in France, they realize that French systems, industry, and science are inextricably linked.

This is particularly true for students in engineering and technology. For instance, Russians who return home to initiate legal reforms and industrial activities find that many essentials taken for granted in France are simply unworkable in Russia. As a result, the factories they establish, intending to take advantage of Russia's vast natural resources and comparatively lower labor costs, end up being inefficient and costly. Even students who mortgage their family lands to fund factories find themselves bankrupt within a few years due to various bizarre reasons, ultimately returning to France to work as engineers.

As for students in the humanities, if they were to criticize French systems and question the universality of French values after spending so much on their education, wouldn't their efforts and expenditures be in vain?

Thus, students naturally and widely praise French soft power. Those who remain in France contribute to its construction; those who return home promote it. The majority of those studying science and technology stay in France, while most in the arts return to their countries.

One of the advanced practices learned from France is the emphasis on education. The French government invests heavily in education, not only leading the world in total educational spending but also in the percentage of fiscal revenue devoted to it.

These students, especially those in the arts, commonly advocate upon returning home that their countries should emulate France's strong emphasis on education.

Moreover, France actively supports education in Europe—after all, educated technicians migrate to France; educated artists promote French universal values. For example, when Prussia had to cut education funding due to economic strains from war indemnities, Napoleon allocated a portion of these indemnities to support Prussian higher education.@@@@

"The great development of education by Frederick the Great made Prussia a dominant power in Europe. Now, the vigorous educational policies of our First Consul Napoleon have positioned France as a world leader. Clearly, education is the foundation of statecraft, the basis of wealth, and the key to national strength. Thus, to develop our nation, we must also heavily invest in education. Every year, the French government provides a stipend to every French national student enrolled in universities accredited by the French Academy of Sciences. It also offers financial aid and low-interest loans from the Bank of Rome to support the studies of impoverished students. This is a crucial reason for France's scientific leadership. We should learn from this," said John Thornton Kirkland, the President of Harvard University, in a letter to the President upon his appointment.

Yet, the U.S. federal government lacks the funds for such educational endeavors, making national education initiatives in America challenging. Subsequent wars only exacerbate this issue.

Nevertheless, President Kirkland strived to advance American education, seeking funds from philanthropists and improving educational standards by employing French students and scholars at Harvard.

At that time, Harvard's academic standing couldn't compare with Europe's elite universities, particularly those in France. In European eyes, Harvard was considered a third-rate institution—similar to the prestigious but internationally unrecognized universities in Republican China. A returnee with a foreign degree, even a counterfeit one, could easily become a professor at such an institution.

In America, this phenomenon was also evident. Over the years, numerous American students have studied in France. Initially, Napoleon was not particularly welcoming of American students, especially those studying science and technology.

Napoleon once told Joseph, "Why do these Americans come to France to study? Studying Molière, Gounod, Rousseau, Voltaire might be acceptable, but why science and technology? Given the distance between America and Europe, the industrial products they might produce after learning our techniques could compete with ours due to high transportation costs. This is not good."

However, once the Louisiana development was underway, Napoleon ceased his objections. But as American industry suffered due to competition from Louisiana, not just in global markets but even domestically, the number of American students focusing on humanities like Molière, Gounod,

Rousseau, and Voltaire in France increased.

These individuals often became professors in various American universities upon their return. To secure higher positions and salaries, they had to convince others that the education they offered was worth the expense. Thus, the American universities became major centers of French cultural influence.

In addition to the media, American universities are a crucial part of the Ministry of Truth's strategy.

However, the Ministry of Truth isn't the only entity interested in these students—the dreadful creatures from the sewers, the disgusting chameleons, the remnants of the guillotine, and the officials from the Ministry of Public Security also target them.

This is typical; among the students in France, some are deeply patriotic, while others seek to change their personal destinies. Public Security officials first monitor these students, selecting potential targets, then engage in exploratory contact, including direct financial inducements or schemes involving debt traps and gambling to coerce them.

Thus, Public Security has a vast network of student spies. Because of these individuals, certain actions by the Ministry of Truth are quickly uncovered by Public Security.

"Obviously, some American traits are unnecessary and even dangerous for us in France, such as their inexplicable sense of mission and aspirations to become a great power," said a Public Security official. "Our old adversaries are now moving. For instance, a literature professor at Yale named Fafnir recently wrote an intriguing article titled 'I Don't Care About the Rise of Great Powers; I Only Care About the Dignity of the Common People,' which has sparked widespread discussion. I believe the Ministry of Truth is behind this.

Of course, such actions aren't solely orchestrated by the Ministry of Truth. It's part of a larger national strategy. I know many don't think highly of the Ministry of Truth—honestly, who in our department does? They're inefficient, corrupt, and wasteful. If we handled their responsibilities, we'd achieve much better results for the same cost," said Fouché in a spartan office with only a table and a few chairs, speaking to his subordinates.

During this time, Harvard's academic status was incomparable to European universities, especially those in France. In the eyes of Europeans at that time, Harvard was nothing more than a second-rate university. Its status was probably similar to that of Qingbei during the Republic of China era—though a top-tier institution domestically, it might not even qualify as a university preparatory institution in the eyes of Westerners. Similar to the Qingbei era, a returnee from abroad could often become a professor at such a "top-tier institution" simply with a foreign diploma, even a fake one, and a somewhat renowned foreign teacher.

Such situations also existed in the United States. Over the years, many American students also studied in France. Frankly, at the outset, Napoleon wasn't particularly welcoming to these American exchange students, especially those coming to study science and technology.

Napoleon expressed to Joseph, "You said these Americans come to France to study and only need to learn from Molière, Gounod, Rousseau, and Voltaire. Why bother with science and technology? America is so far from Europe that if they learn science and technology and return to America to industrialize, our industrial products won't have enough competitive pressure on them due to high transportation costs. That's not good, not good at all."

However, later on, Louisiana was heavily developed, and Napoleon didn't mention it again. After all, American industry couldn't compete with Louisiana's.

But because American industry suffered greatly due to Louisiana's industrial prowess, not only could they not compete on the world stage, but even the American market was inaccessible to them, and even the domestic market was struggling. So now, the number of Americans studying in France for Molière, Gounod, Rousseau, and Voltaire is increasing.

Many of these people return to America and become professors at various universities. To secure higher status and income, they must convince people that what they can learn from them is worth the price. Therefore, if one were to ask where the most French-spirited Americans are in America, it would undoubtedly be at those universities.

So, aside from the media, various American universities are an extremely important part of the Truth Department's plan.

Of course, it's not just the Truth Department that's targeting exchange students—those sewer rats, disgusting mutants, and leftover corpses from the guillotine in the Public Security Department are also targeting exchange students.

This is normal. Among the exchange students coming to France, some are very patriotic, while others just want to change their personal fortunes. Public Security Department personnel first identify these exchange students, then select potential targets, and then find opportunities for exploratory contact, including direct economic bribery or using traps such as consumer traps or gambling to make them heavily indebted, and then coerce them. In short, these are all old, but effective, methods. The fact that these tactics continue to exist proves their effectiveness.

As a result, the Public Security Department also has a large number of exchange student spies in its hands. The existence of these individuals means that some of the Truth Department's initial actions were discovered by the Public Security Department. Then...

"Clearly, some of America's characteristics are unnecessary and even dangerous for us in France. For example, the American sense of a mysterious mission and their aspirations to become a great power are particularly troublesome," a Public Security official noted. "Our old adversaries have started to act. Recently, a literature professor at Yale named Fafnir wrote an interesting article titled 'I Don't Care About the Rise of Great Powers; I Only Care About the Dignity of the Common People,' which immediately sparked widespread discussion. I suspect the Ministry of Truth is behind it."

Of course, these maneuvers are not orchestrated solely by the Ministry of Truth; they are part of a broader national strategy. Many have a low opinion of the Ministry of Truth—truth be told, who in our department doesn't? They're inefficient, wasteful, and corrupt. If it were up to us, we could do a much better job with the same resources," Fouché declared in a sparsely furnished office, addressing his subordinates.

"Exactly, if we had the resources they have, we would have achieved far more by now," his subordinates concurred, expressing their disdain for the Ministry of Truth.

"Gentlemen, we need not dwell on this further. You are all aware of the numerous complications the Ministry of Truth has caused us over the years. This time around..."

"Let's turn the tables on them!" one subordinate interjected fiercely.

"Right, let them witness our capabilities!" another echoed.

Fouché glanced at them, knowing these statements were merely for show. They were all shrewd enough to know what could be said and what actions could not be taken.

"Enough with the chatter," Fouché cut in. "Addressing the cultural influence over America peacefully is a critical national policy. If we deliberately undermine these efforts, it would amount to treason. Lucien might not excel in many areas, but the First Consul and the Chancellor are astute. Do you really think they wouldn't notice if we were to interfere? If they discovered that we were compromising national interests for the sake of our department, what do you think the consequences would be? Who would ultimately be the loser? If we were to actually sabotage the Ministry of Truth's efforts, that's exactly what they would hope for, as it would undermine the entire nation, effectively sabotaging ourselves."

"The First Consul is fully aware of the tension between our departments—how could he not be? But he has established a clear directive: competition is acceptable, but sabotage is not."

Consider why France has two intelligence agencies. A major reason is to foster competition between us, as it boosts our efficiency," Fouché explained, smiling. "Take our department as an example: if we know the Ministry of Truth is also working on a case, our efficiency immediately improves, and theirs does too. This is precisely what the First Consul desires. But if we engage in sabotage, that is not what he wants. Ultimately, the First Consul will be the judge of who wins or loses our disputes. He may be Lucien's brother, and though the First Consul is an exceedingly fair individual, familial ties inevitably have some influence. Therefore, we must avoid sabotaging the Ministry of Truth more than they must avoid sabotaging us—I, for one, wish Lucien would attempt to undermine us more often."

"So, Minister, what should we do? Are we to just let things slide?" one subordinate queried.

"Of course not, we cannot let this opportunity slip by. The First Consul expects us to compete with the Ministry of Truth, so we shall compete and strive to outperform them. Simultaneously, we'll keep a close watch for any faults or oversights they may have. If they slip up, we'll discreetly rectify those issues and document the instances to report to the First Consul. This is the most effective way to handle the Ministry of Truth. Do you understand?"

Everyone nodded in agreement. Then Fouché added with a smile, "Of course, since they lack our analytical capabilities and something goes wrong, as long as we can fix the error without compromising national objectives, it's ideal. We can cover up their mistakes without harming the country's goals, and that's the best outcome."

The room erupted in laughter, understanding the implication of Fouché's words. Direct sabotage was unacceptable, but leading the Ministry of Truth into error and then playing the hero to save the day was entirely feasible. This strategy would not only prove their department's superiority but also align with national interests without directly confronting the Ministry of Truth.